By Marcel den Dikken, Robert M. Vago
This quantity brings jointly ten papers, all awarded on the eighth overseas convention at the constitution of Hungarian (New York urban, 2007), addressing quite a lot of issues within the morphology, phonetics, phonology, pragmatics, semantics, and syntax of Hungarian, with dialogue of comparable evidence in different languages in addition. the quantity comprises an research of the morphophonology of the infinitival suffix in Optimality idea, a plea for a phonetically-grounded concept of phonology according to partial neutralization of the v/f distinction, a central authority Phonology account of vowel/zero alternations, a dialogue of the recursive nature of speech prosody, a context-structure point of view at the pragmatics of polarity debris, a unique outlook at the prosody, semantics, and syntax of unfavourable quantifiers, a structural method of the variation among factive and non-factive enhances and the distribution of the clausal expletive azt, a pioneering learn of the licensing and place of overt nominative matters of infinitival supplement clauses, a lexicalist standpoint at the distribution of ablative cause-PPs in anti-causative structures, and an research of the complex morphosyntax of adpositional preverbs and their doubling when it comes to partial chain aid in a phase-based cyclic mapping of syntax to phonology. the quantity should be of curiosity not only to students engaged on Hungarian, yet to a basic viewers of generative linguists.
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Extra info for Approaches to Hungarian, Volume 11: Papers from the 2007 New York Conference
In particular, we argue against approaches making reference to the factivity of the main verb in analyses of the internal structure of embedded clauses. Since Kiparsky & Kiparsky 1971 (K&K henceforth), verb classes have been exploited to explain the syntactic and semantic behavior of sentential embedding constructions. While the classic Kiparskian stance is that factives embed a CP headed by a nominal (rather than a simple CP, as non-factives do), several recent works have argued that it is non-factive complement clauses that have a more elaborate left periphery * We would like to thank Marcel den Dikken, Katalin É.
9 (10) a. Peripheral adverbial clause: [Sub Top Focus Force Fin] b. Central adverbial clause: [Sub Fin] This structural difference is exploited to account for the fact that peripheral adverbial clauses allow Main Clause Phenomena (MCP) such as topicalization and speaker oriented adverb placement, while central adverbial clauses do not; the positions designated for these phenomena are present in (10a) and missing in (10a). Haegeman then speculates that factive complements, like central adverbial clauses, are structurally impoverished.
B. # I think that Obama won the elections. c. I am happy that / You think that [Obama won the elections]. 13 In the next section, we turn to data from Hungarian to show in more d. Obama won the elections (... ) As the above contrasts show, a matrix sentence that is entirely contextually given (a) is not felicitous, and such a proposition is not acceptable as the complement to a non-factive verb either in a neutral context (b). These two contexts involve a speech act (cP), which must contain some novel element.
Approaches to Hungarian, Volume 11: Papers from the 2007 New York Conference by Marcel den Dikken, Robert M. Vago